THE FACE OF MARSABIT COUNTY
Monday 23 November 2015
Friday 30 October 2015
THE ROLE OF EDUCATION THAT OUR PEOPLE FAILED TO UNDERSTAND
All the way from Moyale to Isiolo, Borana political leaders
have mediocre plans and priorities apart from one. The honor goes to Major
Rasso- the only Borana leader who is worth my compliment because I believe the
best way to empower people is through education. Major Rasso ensured that all
students from his constituency who managed to score grade C plain and above
have joined the university of their
choices. Just find out how is doing. However, many students from Isiolo county
are struggling despite having good grades. Some of us are lucky enough to make
it to the Sudan jungle. Even here in Khartoum our Garreh colleagues have
support of their leaders. They don’t live in the hostels, to say the least,
like Borana sons. They have support of their able leaders like hon. Billow Kerrow
who rented a house for them outside the
school. In contrary over 60 students of Abalibes no one is even aware of their
existence.
Other communities empower one another through education and
businesses but such motive seems irrelevant and inapplicable to Abalibes. Please
let us wake up from this deep slumber, if at all you are interested, and stand
up for another. Let us vote leaders who can boost education of our people.
At least to alleviate more sufferings we have joined hands
as students of Abalibes in Sudan to form a very strong well functioning
registered association dubbed IBSE (International Borana Speaking Elites). We appeal
for support from our leaders and other able Abalibes all over the world.
Our community must understand that education plays a great
role in the life of everyone all through the life. Getting proper education is
very necessary to get successes and happy life just like food is very necessary
for healthy body. It is very important to live luxurious and better life. It
develops personality of the people ,provides physical and mental standard and
transforms peoples living status. It promotes the feeling of physical, mental
and social well being by providing better life. Good education is constructive
in nature which constructs our future forever. It helps a person to improve
his/her status of mind, body and spirit. It provides us with lots of confidence
by giving us bulk of knowledge in many field. It is a single and vital way to
the success as well as personal growth. Interestingly,
our people have failed to understand the role of education in one’s life and
continue lagging behind. It is high time we must unite and recognize the fruits
of having good education.
Being well educated never only means to earn certificates
and good salary from the recognized and reputable organizational companies and
institutions but it also implies to be a good and social person in the life. The first purpose of getting
good education is being good citizen and then being successful in personal and professional
life. Without a single doubt we are totally incomplete without a good education because it is what make us
right thinkers and awesome decision makers. In such a competitive world,
education has become a necessity for human beings, probably being the fourth
basic need. It is able to provide solutions to nearly all problems; it promotes
good habit s and awareness about corruption, terrorism and other social issues
amongst us.
Education is the most important tool that offers inner and
outer strength to a person. Education is fundamental rights of everyone and
capable of bringing any favorable and desired change and uplift in the human
mind and society.
BY JIMALE BASHIR
STUDENT AT INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF AFRICA- KHARTOUM
Monday 26 October 2015
SOLOLO'S AILING EDUCATION SECTOR
Sololo’s
ailing education sector
I suspect everyone clearly knows why I am unable to
contribute any subject matter outside politics to this platform. The reason is
one: the countdown to 2017 general elections, for many Kenyans, begun on 5th
of March 2013-just a day after election save for those who shifted their
intentions towards presidential election petition. Now being October of 2015
the second Tuesday of august 2017 is approaching faster and my contributions
are justified.
Now my editors have instructed me not to contribute any
political agenda to this space until further notice and I am bound by no consideration
to disown their move. The reason behind their instructions will be a story for
another day.
Without further ado let’s get back to the subject: the
sololo’s ailing education sector.
There is little doubt that sololo has been a hotbed of
academic prowess producing giant professors, doctorial holders and many
undergraduate degree students. Any claims that any region from entire Marsabit
county has ever surpassed sololo in producing bright individuals is not only
arrogant but also misguiding. However, this trend has diminished over the past
decade and March of every year sololo people mourns about the tragic
performances of their high school students in the national exams. The
reflection of performances these days does not have any relationship at all
with the expectations of many people. The region known for producing great
minds has now turned out to be a home for academic orphans with the first
person in KCSE exams not qualifying for any university program. WHAT A SHAME!
See also: the ultimate cost of roba duba and mahmud Ali's rivalry
What could
be the problem?
To start with, Sololo people have neglected there
responsibility of changing their education sector and shifted all their
intentions towards politics. People eat politics, live politics and sleep
politics and no one is aware that education is the weapon of 21st
century where people use pens and books only. Sadly sololo is lagging behind
and nothing is happening at all. The sun will continue rising from the east and
set in the west and our people are just there watching as we slump to another
big and disastrous defeat. People have out smarten us in political and economic
fields and now our academic superiority is out of reach after we failed to
produce anyone near top in both KCSE and
KCPE exams of last year.
Secondly, over the past few years political leaders have
been blamed for their roles in recent academic woes. From forceful transfers
and demotions of highly committed and qualified teachers to total neglect dealt
a heavy blow to our schools. The immediate former Moyale MP and the current
leader are the source of burgeoning education crisis in the region. But the society is the one to be blamed.
Elders have never thought of chipping in to stop such madness and youths are
not even aware of what is happening!
Another sad factor and main contributor to the collapse of
education sector is lack of basic facilities. No library, no modern and well
equipped laboratories , no enough books and expecting our innocent kids to
perform well under such conditions is tantamount to miracles.
Possible
solutions:
People should clearly understand that there is nothing
impossible and I draw my reasoning from a line by famous inspirational words of
Charles Kettering that even the Wright brothers flew right through the smoke
screen of impossibility. I believe Sololo can still turn things around and
emerge and as a home of academic heroes, again.
For us to succeed these factors needs to be considered:
The society including elders, youths and the religious
leaders must ensure that political games will never be taken to school fields
again where politicians exercise their superiority complex over others and
tamper with the programs of the schools. The interest of our poor kids must be
respected and all the self made politicians must keep off the internal affairs
of the schools.
Since 2017 elections are still some years to go, hon. Roba
should try his best and leave a legacy behind.
He needs to form a commission of inquiry that can dig deep
in order to come up with the root cause of rot in our education arena and be
ready to fix. The commission formed must be intellectuals and I suppose working
with Sololo University students association (Susa) will be a favorable move.
The assigned group must do thorough investigation and come up with valid and
reasonable recommendations.
He also needs to divert more funds towards schools to set up
libraries for schools that doesn’t have one, build more classrooms to cater for
increasing number of intakes. It was actually one of his manifestos that he
would divert 60% of CDF funds to education sector if elected as an MP. He still
has got a time to change that intention to reality.
A quote by famous liberation leader, Nelson Mandela that
education is the most powerful weapon by which you can use to change the world
seems irrelevant in Sololo and I believe that a society that does not invest in
education is doomed.
Monday 19 October 2015
THE ULTIMATE COST OF ROBA DUBA AND MAHMUD ALI'S RIVALRY
The ultimate cost of Roba Duba and Mahmud
Ali’s rivalry
BY: GUYO IMANO
These are the gentlemen, the big boys, the Borana political champions,
the Borana political kingpin. Oh my! What
else? Whatever you want to be called you can call yourself, I don’t know both
of u deeply but there is something I know, precisely one thing about you guys.
You are just a bunch of failures! You both failed us after we entrusted you
with responsibility of leading us to the right way. Your current political
actions are unprecedented in the history of Borana political environment.
Mahmud’s self endorsement was wrong but Roba’s move to
‘block’ his candidature was ominous and cantankerous and could cause discomposure
among the indigenous inhabitants of Marsabit County! The move shows us nothing
more than his political collaboration with ukur-planning to convince us that
the warlord is better. Maybe better in displacing us from our land and killing
us .This move may and should in fact scare any rational son of borana. Dear Super
kandas, as you are called by many of your political shamba boys, Remember that
hellu displacement and killing of our heroes are still dew fresh in our
memory-to most of us it’s like yesterday.
Hon. Duba
Everyone knows clearly that Roba, the man dubbed as the care
and lover of the community prior to 2013 elections, failed terribly and since
he has long fallen from pecking order at moyale constituency he is just a making a desperate move to woo
regabu voters to cast their votes for him.
Dear hon. Roba the Sololo people do not have access to
electricity, they do not have access to clean water, there education system is
deteriorating as the clock tick and I actually do not need to inform you of
pathetic health services in the region. You never had time to address these
issues and I am sure u never even imagined of coming up with permanent
solutions. So, the question is what have you done for the entire borana that
you proudly boast of convening a meeting to discuss about the unity of borana
when there is an irony in what you discussed- a very fat ironical unity meeting!
your sycophants are always at
loggerheads with everyone over the social media trying to cause more harm a
move seen by many that you actually finance these goons to cause political
panic among the borana. I am not surprised in case you will boast this as creation
of employment for youths (LOL)! These things will harm your political career and
you will fail in a very spectacular fashion.
Anyway if you will not stop this trend just accept the fact that you are
increasing your velocity towards the finishing line of political failure. We
will just cheer you up your honorable!
To hon. Mahmud can you kindly
stop this madness of self endorsement! We all understand that you were pivotal
and played a huge role in loss of 2013 elections after you ignored and
rubbished the verdict of raba gadha. And you have not still apologized and I am
still waiting for ‘sometime’ that you will come out and vindicate yourself.
Remember that one thing is for sure! You are not the one and the only ,moreover
the most qualified for gubernatorial post and
you won’t convince anyone in his normal sense that you have done well to
be given the post! And by the way what is that unique you have done for ‘your’
people if at all they are yours after elections period , that makes you most
qualified to be the governor! In The five years that you ruled, there is
nothing substantial in terms of development that you came up with. It is only
you are far much better than Roba! But my presumptions remains- you were both
failures and still!
To Professor Guyo Waqo Jaldessa,
the great professor, academician and a bright individual. Most of university students
from our region are trying to emulate you. We consider you as benchmark for academic
prowess. We know you as a bright professor that at one time I recklessly
imagined that you have the highest IQ than any other individual from our
regions! But hon. Roba has proven me wrong that his mere certificates are far
much better than your post doctorial certificates. He is just playing political
games over you and it seems you have fallen for his prank. Unless you stop
following him in the name of ‘fighting’ mr.mahmud remember that you are just jeopardizing
your political ambition which might come to an irreversible inevitable end! Just
take care and don’t lose focus.
My dear and honorable leaders
come together as one and solve all these political deadlocks and stalwart that
is giving us sleepless night and bear in mind that we are always one and your
rivalries will ultimately cost us all the elective positions in the county and
we will end up in Marsabit County as foreign slaves!
Sunday 4 October 2015
why you should vote in Guyo Imano come 2017
Sololo MCA- I dare dream
Sololo redemption lies in the hands of young ambitious
leaders-I being one of them-long before most of us can even remember we as sololo people jeopardized our
democratic right and usually voted in people whose integrity is in question and
people who are totally incompetent. At long last we cried so loud.the people
could not bring any change-even no single idea, the only developments that we
witness is over social media that is flocked by people on payroll of such
leaders.people then start uninstalling there confidence for the whole five
years.poor voters continue languishing in extreme poverty,state of education
continue deteriorating.they don’t care they are just there amassing money for
the next election campaigning. NOW sololo people are not ready for such mere
politics.They have vowed to chase any leader that try to solicit there vote in
exchange of handouts! And in case you are a political leader,and have such
ambition and you are thinking of employing such tactics don’t dare come to
sololo. You can do your campaign from far through video conferencing-thanks to
computer scientist for such evolution
Now I have a message for the sololo people. I want to become
next sololo leader-in that case next member of county assembly to represent the
interest off my people.
BUT WHY?
These
question will come out of any individual who is not willing the current
situations to continue prevailing. And I have got good answers.
To start with, the position will be vacant come august 2017.
The election to fill the position will be held second Tuesday of August 2017.
Secondly,there are guidelines in the constitution of kenya
that state who can run for such seat and who do not qualify even to imagine of
becoming one.I fulfil all the requirements to contest.so,why not, even though I
quite understand that I will not financially outmuscle most of the contestants.
However my campaign will be based only on words and not money.
Thirdly , at this age,that am young and a university student
for that matter, I have got a lot to offer in terms of being idealistic and committing myself for the sake of my people-I will not be even thinking of how I
wil bring up my children like many old people elected to serve people . This development
that people are yearning for is not like a vehicle without a driver nor is it
an irresistible force of nature as failed politicians would have us to believe.
Development is like an institution being controlled by people. I now want to be
among those people so that if given a chancei will drive it to the right place.
However , I am neither rich nor am I a liar,two twin
instruments that always come in handy during election campaigns-both are used
by our hypocritical leaders to convince people to vote-in that case am not in.
My aim is to first totally change sololo political environment where lies and
handouts would be just a history.
Having said that,what are my chances?
As we pack our bags and travel this interesting journey
towards 2017 my chances may look a little bleak even though am throwing my hat
into ring roaring like a lion to move on. Avoiding to run for the post may be
because of financial incapability would mean a great dis-service to my mighty
borana of sololo,the people and the land that moulded me into who I am now and
is being threatened by political treachery.
However much my financial incapability may seem as a barrier
there is a big hope. People have decided to usher in only competent and development
oriented mind without considering splashes that s/he would cause. Our politicians
are fond of giving out during election a lot-the amount they splashes are more
than there brain cells.
So,I dare to dream the possibility of winning the elections
and drive home the development that people needs.
Keep in touch with the blog spot for my next article on my manifestos.
Friday 11 September 2015
MOYALE CONFLICT ANALYSIS
MOYALE CONFLICTS: The Actors, the Contests and the Interest
COURTESY;http://ardajila.com/
MOYALE CONFLICTS:
The Actors, the Contests and the Interest
THE STORY BEHIND STORIES
AUTHOR: Anonymous
1.0 INTRODUCTION
The content of this paper is based on
observations and outcomes of discussions the author had with various
people from Marsabit County in general and mostly with those from
Moyale. Included in this paper are also information gleaned from local
media reports on Moyale conflict and write-ups posted on various
websites. This paper is not an objective research work as such but it is
more of personal reflection and interpretation of the information
received which seem to lean more on perspective shared by most people
who are sympathetic to Borans cause in the on-going conflict
The author begins by giving a brief
historical overview of Marsabit County with focus on fluctuating
relationships between its communities at various times. He goes to
narrate highlights of key events that fed directly into escalation of
current conflict. An insight analysis of key actors in the conflict
including their role and objective are aptly captured. After pointing
out what he sees as the limitations and shortcoming of past attempts at
resolving conflicts in the north, he offers the suggestions on possible
resolutions mechanism with immediate shot term and long term time frame.
2.0 BACKGROUND INFORMATION
2.1 Location and Moyale Area Profile
Moyale is the name of two major towns in
Marsabit County as well as one of the four constituencies making up the
county. As constituency it boarders Wajir county to the East and
Ethiopia boarder to the North. Marsabit County along with other counties
like Samburu, Turkana, Wajir, Mandera and Isiolo constitutes the vast
arid and semi arid land mass that is home to mostly pastoral people
groups include Samburu, Turkana, Rendille Gabra, Boran and various
Somali linked clans the most prominent being Garri, Degodia, Sakuye and
Ajuran. Other communities from various parts of Kenya are also present
but mostly confined to towns and other settlement centers.
Moyale constituency has a population of
80,650 people as per 2009 census but based on the population growth rate
of 2.4% the figure is projected to 88,676. It is estimated that all the
semi-arid lands in northern Kenya constitutes about 440,000km sq.
supports 25% of the country’s population.
Most parts of Marsabit County are arid
except for some areas around Marsabit mountain and hurri hills. Due to
scarcity of natural resources like pasture and water competition over
the use, access and control of these resources is often the main cause
of conflict among pastoral communities especially during the dry spell
when livestock tend to concentrate in limited areas with pasture and
water.
Northern region of Kenya has remained
undeveloped for a long time. It has virtually been excluded from the
mainstream of Kenyans national life. Actually some communities from this
region came to regards themselves as Kenyans only recently. The rest of
Kenyan communities perceive northern Kenya as the region which is most
undesirable place to live or work in. it therefore come as no surprise
that even civil servants posted here feel punished and less motivated to
serve the communities in this region. Incidences of incessant conflicts
associated with this region just serves to undermine the morale of such
civil servant even more. Due its isolation, insecurity and marginal
productivity donors are less inclined to invest in this area.
2.2 Past Relation between Moyale People
Long before the advent of colonial power
and demarcation of Kenya Ethiopia border Borans and Gabra were known to
roam the region stretching from the interior of Ethiopia near
hagermariam to what is present day Marsabit in Kenya. The boundary which
was drawn up by British and Italian colonial powers split both Borans
and Gabra communities who now live on both sides of the boarder. Other
communities which include Garri Burji and Ajuran Somali and some Arab
linked groups would occasionally come to the area as traders and
eventually settled in Moyale town and other settlement centres through
the courtesy of the then Boran larders
The attraction of these other
communities to Moyale area is mainly because of its strategic location.
The town is an important gateways that allows the trans-clan and
trans-national trade network for the movement of goods and people.
Cattle and small ruminants are taken across the border from Ethiopia
into Kenya. The proceeds from the sale of animals are used to purchase
manufactured goods and food commodities
Borans and Gabra have lived together for
generations and developed strong kinship linkage and peaceful
coexistence in both Kenya and Ethiopia. Elsewhere outside the region the
relationship between various people groups can best be described as
dynamic some of which are amicable, some discriminatory and others
outright hostile but usually not on permanent basis
In Moyale available pasture and water
resource s were jointly used, but Boran elders held the vested
responsibility of moderating the usage of the said resources and its
protection against external threats. It appears this responsibility is
pegged on their numerical strength and by virtue of being the first
inhabitants of the land. Traditional elders played an important role in
regulating the affairs of their communities. They were mostly
instrumental in resolving both intra and inter tribal conflicts. Their
decision carried the foresight that ensured social harmony and
continuity of their communities for generation. Even when compensation
has to be paid for the wrong done this was usually tempered with some
degree of tolerance and flexibility so as to convey a gesture of good
will to further preserve the relationship between parties in conflict.
Most members of pastoral communities are
not educated and have limited marketable skills. They considered
livestock as source of wealth, social status symbol and insurance
against life risks. It is only in the last twenty years or so that they
settled down on permanent villages and begun taking their children to
school and got involved in wage labour market in its many forms.
3.0 Changes Experienced by the Pastoral Communities of Moyale:
3.1 Political Change:
Just like in other parts of Kenya and
Ethiopia diverse changes have taken place in the lives of traditional
pastoral communities of Moyale. One of the most pronounced change is the
diminished authority of the elders who used to regulate every aspect of
communities affairs in the past. With the advent of the government
systems of leadership steady shift in values and social priorities
became entrenched in the societal structures as government appointed
institutions and functionaries like chiefs and their assistance replaced
traditional leaders. As it often happen such government appointees do
not often share the same values that used to guide the traditional
elders in discharge of their leadership responsibilities. It therefore
comes as no surprise when government appointees become susceptible to
corrupt and opportunistic tendencies that have come to jeopardize
community social welfare as well as their security well being
This explains why even the old practice
of cattle rustling among pastoralists has now acquired a new meaning. In
the past neighboring communities rustle animals from each so as to
restock their diminishing herds after severe drought or disease outbreak
to avert economic ruin and starvation. But now cattle rustling are no
longer done to replenish diminished stock. It is a well organized
commercial enterprise carried out with full knowledge and tacit support
of corrupt government admin and security personnel who obviously have a
stake in the proceeds of this heinous crime.
3.3 Emergence of new economic power Barons
Over the past couple of decades, the
previous minority Burji and Garri communities in Moyale were able to
gradually develop economically to emerge as undisputed economic power
barons in northern Kenya, with extended business network in major towns
in Kenya and Ethiopia. It can be argued that their economic success is a
key factor in giving them visibility and influence with government
functionaries which is far beyond their numerical status. Buoyed by
their economic success they used the same networking strategy to
cleverly build formidable political power base and gained the support of
key government functionaries through tactical diplomatic manoeuvres and
extension of varied forms of favours.
While one would normally celebrate the
economic development and acceleration of urbanization process brought
about by influx of skillful people from interior of Ethiopia and Kenya
but unfortunately the recent breed of immigrants are decidedly
opportunistic with no regards for the historical ties that original
inhabitants of the land had together. With their external connections
and business experiences this new business community soon become more
visible in urban centres and gained recognition with government
administrators and security functionaries who easily got roped into
their orbit. It is this partnership of convenience that can explains the
unusual situation in Moyale where a few business men seem to operate
above the law and engage in all manner of unlawful activities which
include gun running, smuggling of goods across the border and human
trafficking as well
On the other hands Borans and Gabra were
content to continue with their pastoral lifestyles which depend mostly
on livestock and subsistence farming for their sustenance. It is only in
the recent past that some members of these two pastoral communities
ventured into the world of business and are now trying to catch up with
their Garri and Burji counterparts.
3.3 Diminishing Profile of Boran Community in Moyale Constituency
Boran community in Moyale constituency
has gone through several changes over the year which partially explains
the situation they found themselves in today. Though still numerically
the majority in Marsabit County and partially in Moyale constituency but
their fortunes on both political and economic fronts have not matched
their numerical status. They have actually steadily lost grounds to
other ethnic in the area.
Socially they appear unhinged from their
traditionally social-cultural and spiritual anchorage since they
abandoned their original customs and kinship linkages after embracing
Islam through their contact with Garri and other Muslim groups that came
to Moyale at various Time in past. Unfortunately, even after embracing
islam.0ther Muslim communities do not seem to accord them due
recognition and acceptance as fellow believers in Islam umma. It
is not uncommon to hear these other communities derogatorily refer to
Muslim Borans as ’kufar’ infidels. Could this explain why they are being
killed and their property plundered contrary to Islamic teachings that
enjoin brotherhood of all Muslim believers? Ironically, it is the Boran
of Ethiopia (who still follows their traditional beliefs) that came to
rescue of Kenyan Borans who were recently under vicious attack from
their Gabra /Garri Muslim brothers! Is this case of blood being thicker
than faith?
To a casual observer, some of the
characteristics that Borans of Moyale seems to have acquired from their
new social-cultural identity are: the selfish individual tendencies,
unhealthy criticism of each other and obsession with clan-based
political rivalry which echoes the kind malady that the people in
Somalia suffer from. For some strange reason, they appear oblivious of
economic opportunities around them and put no premium on the value of
partnership and interdependent working arrangement that other
communities have put to good use and prospered. blindly believing in
their numerically invincibility, their leaders seems more focused on
competition for leadership among their different clans while other
communities were quietly consolidating their economic gains and building
formidable business and political networks both in Kenya and Ethiopia .
It is note worth that their relatives in
Ethiopia, who still keep their traditional values and beliefs system,
have strong sense of solidarity, functional social structures and
recognizable chains of leadership outside the normal government systems.
They have successfully defended their dignity in the face of numerous
challenges from both the present government of Ethiopia and other rival
communities in their region.
3.4 Beyond numerical statistics: Gun power counts.
Another key factor that has altered the
traditional dynamics of relationships between pastoral communities is
the proliferation of the sophisticated fire arms. Gone are the days of
spears and clubs. Proximity of Moyale to the porous border with Ethiopia
and Somalia has significantly contributed to steady inflow of fire arms
and infiltration various armed groups available to be hired as
mercenaries.
Depending on its access to arms supply, a
given community’s power status is no longer determined by its numerical
figure. This reality is amply demonstrated in the on- going conflict
around Moyale where the minority Gabra community , with access to
endless supplies of weaponry procured by Burjis business tycoons and
tactical support from police, were able to dislodge Borans communities
from several parts of Moyale . This new form of power has greatly
undermined traditional cultured of reciprocity and mutual respect. Those
who wield the power of the guns know no limits and pay little attention
to the values and relational ties of the past.
4.0 Causes and nature of the current conflicts in the Moyale:
4.1 Historical overview of relational strain between communities in Moyale
Traditional relational networks and
authority of elders that used to hold different communities together for
generations seem to be on a steady decline. This is attributable to a
number of factors which include emergence of new source of authority,
economic systems that fall outside the sphere of elders’ influence,
multiparty interest in conflicts and radical politics developments in
Somalia, Ethiopia and even Kenya. For instance the ‘shiftas’ movement
that was active in northern frontier district of Kenya’s independent in
the 1960s opened a new chapter in the history of the pastoral
communities of Northern Kenya. The Garri, Marrehan and other Somali
groups who were armed by the Somalia government to facilitate session
process of northern communities, turned their guns on poorly armed Boran
communities both in Ethiopia and Kenya, leaving hundreds of them dead
and robbed of their livestock. This bitter experience is one reason why
Borans have always been wary of any Somali-linked people group coming
into their area. It was also during this period when the force and value
of the gun-power came to be fully understood by Boran communities in
Ethiopia.
Being aware of how they were viewed
suspiciously by Borans communities, Garri strategists and their Somali
associates changed tact. Instead of engaging Borans in battle, they sent
an army of sheikhs and imams armed with nothing but the Quran and other
Islamic books. These sheikhs and itinerants preachers cum traders were
successfully in Islamizing Boran leaders and their communities in Kenya.
with the benefits of hindsight , it seemed the main intent of such
religious outreach was not actually to embed Boran people into doctrine
of Islamic faith. Their conversion was basically used as the mean of
‘roping’ them into the fold of Islam so as enable Garris and other
Somali-linked groups to gain unhindered access to their and peacefully
exploit the vast business opportunities which Borans did not even aware
of. This would explain why there are few Borans who have solid grasp of
Islamic doctrines to qualify becoming kadhis and imams of mosques in
their land. Nearly all sheikhs and Imams operating in Boran land are
from other Somali-linked communities.
4.2 Political Change in Ethiopia:
The overthrow of Emperor Haile Sellasie
of Ethiopia in 1974 ushered in rapid changes in social and economic
condition of people in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya to some
extent .it was during this period of political turmoil that thousand of
Ethiopia fled from the interior and settled in two Moyale towns of Kenya
and Ethiopia. Another development that follows shortly afterward was
the Ogaden war between Somali and Ethiopia. This war had the effect of
militarizing sizeable number of pastoral communities in southern
Ethiopia who got drafted into national defense force against Somalia
incursion. It was during this period that Borans warriors acquired
skills in the use of modern fire arms, they are ever since determined to
defend their territories against external aggression, especially from
Somali people groups.
4.3 Down turn of Borans’ Political Fortunes in Ethiopia:
The early part of 1990s saw another
political unrest in Ethiopia. Combined forces of various rebels groups
were viciously fighting the government of Mengistu Haile Mariam. It was a
time uncertainty and government’s hold on various parts of the country
was slackening .Taking advantage of the prevailing political
instability, Garri fighters attempt to annex part of Boran land. Fierce
fighting with Boran militia ensured resulting in Garri being forced out
of southern Ethiopia and becoming refugees at Walda camp at 100 km from
Moyale.
These rebel forces eventually managed to
oust Mengistu from power. Shortly afterwards they transformed
themselves into political parties and jointly formed a new government.
But soon disagreement arose over power sharing arrangement. One party,
the Oromo liberation front (OLF) was deeply dissatisfied with the lot in
new government and opted to go back to the bush to fight rest alliance
headed by Tigrean political party (EPRDF).
The bulk of OLF fighters were from Oromo
people groups which included Borans. Even though they were only
marginally involve in the political machination of the larger Oromo
confederacy. The Borans nonetheless ended up being side-lined by the
newly formed government. The immediate beneficiaries of the changed
political situation where the Garre who earlier fought with Borans and
were forced out of the region. Garre leaders quickly reached out to the
new Ethiopia ruling party and offered to support them. The new Ethiopia
government, desperate for any support they could get could so as to
legitimate its rule and find means of countering OLF influence in
southern Ethiopia, quickly reciprocated this gesture of goodwill from
Garri leaders. In the subsequent formation of regionalized system of
government, Somali zone was created which included parts of Borans land
of Goff and Laey. The returning Garri refugees from Kenya were
facilitated to settle there and given full government protection against
Borans. This political development marked a down of Borans political
fortune in Ethiopia. Faced with formidable government force, Borans were
helpless to reclaim their land from Garre who now enjoy full state
support.
It is turned out that the decision by
the OLF to walk out of joint government in protest was not well
thought through.OLF movement was soon crippled with internal strife and
infiltration by state sponsored saboteurs who accelerated their
disintegration until they were reduced to wandering bands of militia
which criss-crossed southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya in search of
safe haven and means of support .Borans communities not only lost their
pasturelands to Garre but were also systematically excluded from
political life of the nation and most of their prominent leaders were
frequently being harassed and kept under surveillance on account of
their supposed linkage with OLF movement.
4.4 Garri push for inclusion of Moyale in region five (Somali)
Emboldened by their political land
gains, Garri reached out to other communities like Gabra to jointly
advocate for the re-drawing of Border between region four (Oromo
region) and region five (Somali region) to include Moyale and all the
land lies to the east of the main highway connecting Kenya and Ethiopia .
This desire was not readily granted since it was likely to spark off a
major war not only between Borans and Garri, but the government would
get sucked into it as well. Not willing to give up, Garri leaders
continued to explore all avenues available to them to achieve their
dream of including the strategic Moyale town into region five.
To its credits, the new Ethiopia
government took time to study the profile and the history of all the
people groups in southern Ethiopia. Even though Borans were not
particularly keen to curry favors with the new government, but they
refrained for antagonizing it either. So the government began a cautious
process of counting Borans’ support and gradually getting them involved
in the governance of region four. This development was not well
received by the Garri. So they began scheming to use alternative means
to achieve their objective with or without the government’s support
.knowing the defeat they suffered at the hand of Borana a few year
earlier, they set in motion a secrete process of recruiting foreign
fighters from Somalia (read Al-Shabbab) as well as Garre youth who were
trained in Kenya ostensibly to support the newly established Somalia
government against Al-Shabbab.
Gerri’s move to mobilize formidable
fighting force acquired urgency following the rumors about the
deteriorating health condition of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. They
probably sensed that there was no guarantee that whoever would succeed
Zenawi would continue giving them the kind of recognition and favors
they enjoyed hitherto. Eager to have Moyale annexed to region five
either one way or another they impatiently mobilized their fighting
force and engaged Borans in a daring battled around Moyale Ethiopia in
the last week of July 2012. For three days gun battle raged resulting in
heavy loss of lives and Garri community were forced to flee to Moyale
Kenya. It was only the intervention of central government army that
halted the fight. All key leaders from both regions five and four
arrested and incarcerated by the central government. The prime minister
was pronounced dead a few weeks after this incident.
4.5 Gabras embark on their zone creation endevour in Kenya:
Initially the Gabra of Ethiopia
identified themselves with region four, but sensing that their low
numerical strength would not afford them much political leverage, they
opted to join region five instead. They were not comfortable in region
five as well. Knowing how ambitious and power hungry their new Garri
partners are, they quietly embarked on a long term scheme which was to
create their own zone in Moyale Kenya and extend it to Marsabit (North
Horr constituency) where their kinsmen already live.
Seemingly they set out to replicate
Garre’s strategy on Kenyan side. It basically focused on forcefully
removing Borans out of all the lands that lies in eastern part of the
LAPSET highway which runs from Isiolo to Ethiopia. The strategy they
came up with had four components. One was to push for establishment of
exclusively Gabra sub-locations and villages. This was to create safe
havens for where they can conduct their affairs unobserved by other
neighboring communities. It would seem that the creation of Kinisa and
Funan Nyata villages were part of this strategic move.
The second component of the strategy
involved partnership building with Garri in region five of Ethiopia,
Rendille and Burji in Marsabit County. This partnering process is what
culminated in the formation of REGGABU alliance which won all the top
seats in the general election held in March this year. They pulled off
this feat by taking advantage of the squabbles between two Boran
candidates that split their votes.
The third component is the military
training of all their young men and facilitation of free movement of
their Ethiopian militia whenever their service was required. Apparently
one of the reasons for establishing exclusive Gabra sub-locations and
villages is to create space for militia training away from the glare of
the surrounding communities and for stock piling firearms.
The forth strategy component was to
bolster their economic base by venturing into business and trying to tap
into the same funding source that Garri and other Muslim communities
were benefiting from. Though not as successful as Garri in this regard,
but they made impressive progress nonetheless.
Funds was needed to purchase fire arms,
support fighters and finance the most delicate aspect of the strategy
which is to win the good will and tactical support of government
functionaries and security personnel both in Kenya and Ethiopia side. As
will be shown hereunder they did an excellent job at getting on board
Kenya security and administrative officers to grant them their wish. The
perception held by several people in Moyale is that Marsabit county
governor is credited to have used his influence and probably the
networks within the Kenya government previously established and used by
the late Bonaya Godana (Former MP of North Horr and minister in Moi
government) to secure support for his community’s war campaign against
Borana community in both Kenya and Ethiopia.
The last aspect of strategy which is to
be carried when all others are fully in place was to facilitate mass
exodus of Gabra community from Ethiopia into Moyale to take up the land
from which Boran community would have been forcefully removed. This may
sound far-fetched but what actually happened in Moyale over the last few
months have to be seen to be believed.
This strategy is by no means a secret.
Even ordinary people who are not necessarily from Gabra community were
fully aware of the plan. The series of sporadic attacks against Borans
villages in different parts of Moyale constituency were meant to trigger
reaction that would precipitate further attacks. This would explain why
all mediation meetings between Boran and Gabra leaders including one
held under the auspice of National Cohesion and Integration Commission
(NCIC) held at Bomas of Kenya, Nairobi could not stem the tide of
violence. Here is quote from the NCIC chairman Mzalendo Kibunja.
‘’We have initiated dialogues in
previous meetings on Moyale which culminated in the signing of a
resolution by Gabra and Borana opinion leaders. He said referring to a
resolutions penned on December 11th 2011. The resolution
arrived at after meeting held at the Bomas of Kenya in the capital
Nairobi was signed by eight Borana leaders and seven of their
counterparts from the Gabra community.
‘’We regret the senseless loss of
life and wanton destruction of property in Moyale recently and condemn
the perpetrators in the strongest terms and we urge for the immediate
cessation of hostilities and ask all and sundry to give room to
dialogue.” Part of the resolution reads.
Normally one would expect Kenya security
and intelligence service personnel in Moyale to be fully aware of what
was going on and take the necessary steps to contain the situation. It
is rather shocking to realize that when Gabras decided to action their
strategy in the month of January 2012, Kenya police force did absolutely
nothing to protect the lives of innocent people of their properties
against unwarranted Gabra aggression. Here are some specific incidents
based on eye-witness accounts of the events.
4.6 Gabra militia unleashes their campaign of conquest:
Reports of heavily armed Gabra militias
preparing to attack Mansile and Heilu Boran villages which are ten and
five kilometers from Moyale town respectively, was received weeks in
advance and all government security and administrative organs were
notified of the impending attacks. No action was taken. Interestingly on
2nd of January 2012, as the then Elias Kithaura was
conducting what was supposed to be peace meeting in Heilu village, Gabra
youth stormed the meeting venue and pelted everyone including the DC
with stones. This was immediately followed by heavy gun fire from
militia who were right behind the youths. The DC managed to get out of
Heilu with the help of Borans KPRs who bravely fought off and kept Gabra
militia in check. That afternoon and though the following two days
fierce battle raged as the few Boran KPRs fought with Gabra militia that
viciously attacked Heilu village, Mansile and Oda.
As this battle went on; all families
fled from Heilu to Ethiopia. Strangely the police officers in the nearby
post which is right at the very edge of Heilu village did not take any
step to support the poorly armed Boran KPRs who were defending the
village. Even the DC who was nearly killed in Heilu by Gabra militia
just went to his residence in Moyale town and kept quiet!! By the fourth
day of the fight Boran KPRs ran out of ammunitions and left the village
to be razed down as police officers watched. The excuse these officers
gave for not defending the village was that they had no instructions to
do so! It is such inaction on the part of security officers that led
ordinary people to conclude that both the police and the DC were part
supportive of what Gabra militias are doing to Borana community.
While fighting in Heilu and other areas
was going on the army battalion based in Moyale was deployed to
Kenya-Ethiopia boarder to prevent Boran militia from crossing over to
support their kinsmen who were under attack. But at the same time
Ethiopia Gabra militia from region five were pouring into Kenya to fight
with Borana KPRs on all fronts. On 5th of January, when
Borana KPR from Heilu, Butiye and Oda ran out of ammunition and were
about to be vanquished, Ethiopian Borana militia managed to get through
the Kenya army cordon to offer support. Soon after their arrival Gabra
militia were driven from all Borana villages and faced certain defeat.
That was the time Kenya army swung into actions and attacked Borana
fighters with artillery fire, mortars and heavy machine guns. Sensing
that Kenya security forces were openly siding with the Gabra fighters
Borans militia opted to withdraw and retreated back to Ethiopia after
losing some of their fighters to Kenya military fire.
It was this incident that sparked stormy
riot in Moyale town as Borana youths stormed the DC’s office accusing
the government of openly siding with their enemies and attacking them.
There is sufficient documentation that details what actually happened
during this period.
For the next five months Borana families
who were ejected from their villages remained in Ethiopia until some
kind of cease fire arrangement was worked out to enable them return to
their shattered homes in June. Beyond this there was no any other action
taken against the planners and executors of this evil scheme that
resulted in heavy loss of lives and massive destruction of property.
Even more strangely Kenya government security agents who deliberately
failed to protect the innocent Kenyans have gone unchallenged and no
legal action was taken against them to date.
4.7 2013 General Election:
After Boran community who fled from
their villages to Ethiopia came back following ‘a cease fire’
arrangement enforced by Kenya army in Moyale attention soon shifted to
the upcoming general election to be held the following year in march.
Between august 2012 and March 2013 all attention was directed to
electioneering process.
Strange as it may sound Borana community
leaders appeared to forget about the threats of genocide facing them
and spent all their resources and emotional energy in competitive
politicking among themselves. While they are engrossed in their internal
political strife the members of REGGABU were systematically
consolidating their joint strategy to win the upcoming election. Come
the election date Boran community were divided between their competitive
candidates. They lost heavily to REGGABU alliance and failed to capture
any of the elective seats in the county. Their only consolation was the
two parliamentary seats they won in Saku and Moyale constituencies. To
add insult to the injury Borans were excluded from all the key
appointments in the new county government. This too is another bone of
contention that will most likely develop into another show down between
REGGABU and Borans in the coming days.
Borans were deeply frustrated and bitter
with each other over their loss in general election. Just before they
had the chance to take stock of their lot, a long kept plan of taking
over their lands both in Ethiopia and Kenya was set in motion. Now even
more motivated by their election win. Gabra and Burji alliance with
support from Garre administrators in region five of Ethiopia moves
swiftly to implement the operational plan of their strategy. The
following are some highlights of events that took place in Moyale
between April and 10th of December this year.
- Unprecedented massive exodus of Gabra families along with their animals and armed militias came from region five of Ethiopia and occupied the areas stretching from Funan Nyata all the way to Antuta pasture lands on Kenyan side. Reaction from Boran leaders was fast and furious. They demanded from the office of the deputy county commissioner why the government was allowing the takeover of their land by immigrants from Ethiopia. This incident marked the beginning of hostilities and armed engagement between Boran and Gabra/Burji alliance in the earnest
- Sporadic attacks against isolated villages and armed ambush targeting vehicles travelling on Marsabit-Moyale road become common occurrence. Cases of individuals being kidnapped and killed was also on the rise. Tirades of accusations and counter accusations were frequently traded between antagonists’ leaders of different communities.
- Harassment and intimidation of Boran leaders including the arrest of Qate chief led to mass demonstration in Moyale town. Human right activists who sought to know why police were siding with one community against another was shot dead right in front of their office. See the quote from local media.
Monday August 2013 The star: By Albert Nyakundi.
The independent medico-legal unit,
IMLU and the national coalition of human rights defenders-Kenya
(NCHRD-K) have commenced a postmortem examination among other inquiries
on behalf of the family of the slain human rights activists Hassan Ali
Guyo.
The Moyale based activists was
allegedly shot dead by an army officer in Moyale town last week. He was
shot during a protest by locals against the arrest of area Chief Jillo
Boru on directives from Moyale county deputy commissioner.
Boru’s boss had accused him of
involvement in an attack a week before the protest. The 39 year old
activist was working with a non- governmental organization, Strategies
for Northern Development as programs director.
- On 26th of August and all out war against Boran in Heilu, Odda, Antuta and other areas was launched. Fighting raged for the next three days until Boran KPRs ran out of ammunitions and retreated from Heilu village. Once again both police and the army did not intervened as long as Gabra/Burji militia prevailed.
- While the fight was going on in Kenya the Ethiopian Boran militias who wanted to cross over and help their kinsmen were prevented from doing so by the administrator of region four. In the mean while Gabra militia from region five were not only allowed free movement to come to Kenya but also to bring with them heavy military standard fire arms which under normal circumstances would only be used by the military and not civilian militias. Sensing the gross injustice and partiality of both Kenyan and Ethiopian government officials. Boran militias from region four forced their way to Moyale and engaged Gabra/Burji alliance in fierce battle that engulfed the entire area including Moyale town. Marsabit county governor was in Moyale town at that particular occasion. Due to the intensity of the on-going fight he was unable to leave his hotel room. A contingent of army officers took him to safety.
- As it happened in all the previous battles, as soon as Gabra/Burji militias were overcome, Kenya army came to their rescue and began shelling Boran fighters with mortars and rocket propelled grenades. Not wanting to engage Kenya army in battle, Ethiopian Boran militia retreated back across the border. Gabra/Burji militias re-occupied all the villages from where they were driven and commenced destruction of all Borans houses and properties.
- Between September and end of November, the communities that were forced out of their homes remained in Ethiopia while other stayed with relatives in Sessi area. During this period a new deputy county commissioner was posted to Moyale. By all accounts, this administrator, Mr. Kamunyan Chedotun was fair-minded and soughs to resolve the problem in Moyale through peaceful means. It soon became very clear he was not making any progress. Close observers opine that the deputy commissioner’s office and that of the police OCPD appear to be on a different trajectory on the way they viewed and handled the unfolding conflicts. This administrator was greatly frustrated since the police commandant was not keen to follow his directives. Talk of a divided government on the ground begun.
- Gabra/Burji alliance still had unfinished business. Borans settlements were still in Oda, Butiye, Sessi, Somare, Antuta and all other remaining areas of Sololo. According to their plan, all these areas have to be cleared. So once more a massive eradication campaign was set in motion. This long awaited battle begun on 3rd of December.
- From 3rd of December and for the next four days the entire Moyale town was a battle zone as gun fire raged on. Both the army and the police kept to their camps and remotely monitored the situation. On Saturday 7th December it was clear that Gabra/Burji alliance were on the verge of defeat as they fled from all their strong-holds. This time round hundred of Borans youth even as those who had no fire arms were involved in what they called ‘the final battle for their land’. As expected the Kenya army was right there to defend the GABU alliance both with fighter helicopters and the infantry. Helicopter gunship was extensively was used in an attempt to decimate Boran fighters. Faced with massive military force on the ground and from the air, Boran fighters retreated to the safety of the hilly areas adjacent to Ethiopian boarder.
- This last battle brought to light certain issues that were not witnessed before. As Boran fighters fled from the helicopter gunfire they noticed that GABU militias have quickly changed into full military uniforms and were freely mingling with Kenya army infantry. As Boran fled out Sessi and Butiye GABU militia started burning down houses of all prominent Boran personalities in Butiye in the very presence of the Kenya army! If there was any doubt about government partiality in this war this incident convinced even non-Boran residents in Moyale that Borans were not just fought by GABU alone but also but also by Kenya army and the government of region five of Ethiopia as well.
- On 7th December Saturday afternoon after the Kenya army openly sided with GABU militia to attack Borans there was an outcry from all Boran leaders in all major towns including Nairobi. Top Kenyan government leaders were contacted over the matter. During media interview, the Moyale and Saku MP gave graphic details of what was going on in Moyale and demanded a government statement on the matter.
- It appears that the incident of Saturday battle in Moyale had brought to light some aspects of the conflicts that most Kenyans were unaware of. The common notion was that Moyale conflict was the usual inter-tribal skirmishes over land, pasture and water sources. The use of military grade weaponry used by GABU militia and the army uniform they donned must have alarmed top government officials in Nairobi. Clearly the Kenya army and by extension the government found itself in very embarrassing situation. Perhaps as an attempt to redeem its image the army conducted a different kind of exercise the following day which was 8th December. From as early as 6am, the army helicopter took to the air and rained fire on the GABU militia strong hold in Arosa area. Army infantry soon moved in to mop up the area. It is unclear how many people were killed in this sudden and unexpected military campaign but several GABU militias were captured. With the help of information extracted from the captured militias the army located and retrieved huge assortments of weaponry and new bundles of uniforms for different security units including army, GSU, regular and administration police force. How GABU intended to use all these uniforms is anyone’s guess.
- Details on what followed after this incidence are scanty but there are indication that Kenya government top security leaders were actually shocked by the revelation of how Gabra/Burji alliance managed to manipulate the government system to a point of actually compromising the very security of the nation. With west gate incident still fresh in Kenyans’ mind mostly likely further action will be taken to get to the core of all the issues associated with the unending war in Moyale.
5.0 MAIN OBJECTIVES BEHIND GABU WAR CAMPAIGN AGAINST BORANS;
It appears that Garre and Gabra were
operating on similar strategies and supporting each other in their
implementation. Gabras were to carry out this assignment on Kenyan side
while Garre took care of the same on Ethiopian side. The ultimate aim of
this campaign is basically to remove Borans from all their traditional
land that lies to the east of the main highway connecting to Kenya and
Ethiopia. The rationale for Burji inclusion in this alliance is still
unclear since they are not known to be keen on land acquisition venture.
Most likely they just threw their financial weight behind GABU alliance
so as to secure their future business interest in the region. They
appear convinced that it is just a matter of time before Borans got
wiped out from Moyale and its environs both in Kenya and Ethiopia.
Some of the possible reasons for Garre/Gabras determination to annex Borans land are as given here under:
5.1 Garri objectives in war campaign
- Garri wanted to have exclusive access and use of all resources in the southern part of region five to themselves. Borans are the only claimants to this part of region five.
- They have many investments in both Moyale of Kenya and Ethiopia and would like to see these two strategic towns included in region five which they already control
- They wanted exclusive control and reap economic benefits that will accrue from LAPSET transportation corridor that will pass through Moyale.
- They desire to create a safe platform from which ‘Islamization’ and Caliphate creation agenda can be launched to influence the surroundings regions. This plan is an extension of the grand ‘Islamization’ agenda for Africa currently being worked out in different countries by sponsors of radical Islamic movements.
- To create their most cherished dream Garre Land republic stretching from region five of Ethiopia right down to Isiolo in Kenya. (see the map in the attachment)
5.2 Gabra objects in war campaign:
On the other hand Gabra’s objectives
while similar to those of Garre are also different in some respects: the
following is a snap shot of their vision.
- Sensing that they do not have long term future in either region five or four in Ethiopia, they felt urgent need to secure a region they can call their own.
- Having lived under the shadow of Boran numerical supremacy for generations, they felt the opportunity is now available to assert themselves and boost their numerical strength in Marsabit County.
- To ensure solid political leverage in 2017 and beyond.
- To realize their dream of joining both the Migo and Malbe Gabra nations with no any other community in between.
- To have exclusive access to all key water points in Odda, Walda, Rawana and the rich pastureland of Antuta, Ambalo, Shur and other such areas to themselves.
- To control and gain all economic benefit that will accrue from LAMPSET project transportation corridor which will be passing through the territories they seek to control.
6.0 Key Actors in Moyale Conflict
The scope and the nature of the armed
conflicts that engulfed Moyale since last year, was unprecedented. These
conflicts were obviously not the usual fights between pastoral
communities over pasture, water source or cattle rustling venture as
often happens between Turkana, Samburu, and the Pokots in North Rift
Valley region. As shown above, even the range of interests that key
parties in the conflict pursue, are far more than the normal intertribal
conflicts of the past.
Multidimensional nature of the
conflict’s plan and its execution would require the input of different
actors, elaborate coordination and massive financial outlay to pull it
off. the identity and specific roles of the various actors would further
shade some light on what actually is going on in Moyale region on both
Kenya and Ethiopia side. Here come the actors:
6.1 Garre: their interests and
what they seek to achieve in this conflict is outlined above. Being
closely linked with leadership of region five in Ethiopia, they are
credited with supplying the fire arms, logistical and back-up support
and militia trainers to the Gabra. It is also through good will and
logistical support that Gabra families were able to cross over into
Kenya with all their weapons without the central government in Ethiopia
raising any objection. Lastly, it most probable that they are ones who
provided the link to access the service of armed mercenaries from
different part of region five and beyond. Their link with Al-Shabaab in
Somali and other Garre fighters from Mandera is a key factor in their
quest.
6.2 Gabra: The objectives and
interests they seek to realize are as given above. They provide the bulk
of the fighting force war campaign on Kenyan side. They are also taken
to provide training for Burji fighters and protection to Burji Manyatta.
Their KPRs provide escort to Burji vehicles. It is also rumored that
through some of their key members who are senior officers in Kenya
security forces. They obtained assortments of uniforms and ammunitions
used by various units of Kenya security forces. They have also raised
substantial amount of money to finance their war campaign with
significant input coming from Marsabit County governor with his
associates.
6.3 Burji: They are credited with
bankrolling the war campaign in all dimensions. It is also most likely
that the support of Kenya government functionaries at various levels
from Moyale all the way to Nairobi was secured through their long
established business networks. Though on limited scale, they also
provide some of their own fighters (KPRs) and hired others from
Ethiopia, mostly to protect their property and to map out battle
strategies.
6.4 Boran: Basically Boran key
concern is the protection of their people; land other properties against
attacks from Gabra, Burji and Garre. Those in Kenya mainly rely on
their KPRs and other members of the community who can handle fire arms.
The Boran in Ethiopia are better organized and equipped to defend
themselves. They are the ones who come to rescue their kinsmen in Kenya.
Their major handicap is that they lack the financial muscle and strong
networks within Kenya and Ethiopia government systems to match the ones
established by the Gabra/Garre alliance. Their role in both Kenya and
Ethiopia is that of self-defense.
6.5 Kenya security forces: their
role in this conflict is both direct and indirect. Normally it is the
office of police commandant that vets and issues fire arms to KPRs of
all the communities, it is common knowledge that there has been no
transparency or fairness in this process. For instance, whereas KPRs are
supposed to be providing security only to pastoral communities who roam
around with their animals, Burji communities who are living and doing
business in towns are not only given more guns and ammunition, but
superior weapons like AK47 and G-3 while Boran KPRs are saddled with
only a handful of old model of 303 rifles that have long been confined
to archives. Even Gabra KPRs are better equipped and obviously given
more ammunition than their Boran counter parts. The reason for this
anomaly is any one’s guess.
In two specific conflict incidents, the
police OCPD summoned Boran KPRs from Heilu and Butiye to his office for
no apparent reasons. This was in January, 2012, and in December, 2013
respectively, when he knew their two villages were about to be attacked
by Gabra KPRs and their militia from Ethiopia. Close observers see this
action as deliberate attempt to render Heilu and Butiye village
defenseless against Gabra attacks which indeed happened and resulted in
loss of lives and massive damage to Borans’ properties.
The set of new uniform for various
Kenya security forces, which were recovered from Burji and Gabra
fighters during army operation conducted on 8th of December,
clearly points to a possibility of close collaboration between some
elements in the Kenya security forces and Gabra/Burji alliance.
What all these means is that to the
extent that police are seen as directly supporting one community against
the others as shown in these incidents. They come across as dire
participants in the conflict.
Police indirect role in Moyale conflict assume different forms. These include:
a) Failing to take action when they
knew attacks were being planned against Boran community even after they
have notified of what was going on.
b) Relaying incorrect information to Government headquarter in Nairobi about the security situation in Moyale.
c) Compromising the sovereignty of
the country by knowingly allowing armed militia to come to Kenya with
their animals and families forcefully displace Kenyan citizens from
their land.
d) Refused to protect the properties
of Boran communities while providing adequate protection to those of
Gabra and Burji. All Boran homes numbering about 250 in Manyatta Burji
were destroyed, while police guarded Burji trucks day and night in the
same Manyatta! In Heilu, all Boran homes were looted and destroyed as
police, whose post was right at the edge of the village, watched without
making any attempt to stop the destruction. Yet when some Boran youths
looted and burnt Burji Lorries, heavy contingent of security personnel
was mobilized to recover the looted goods and Boran Member of parliament
and county rep charged with inciting the youths.
e) Refused to enforce the
directives of the County Deputy commissioner who wanted to find a fair
solution to security problem in Moyale.
f) Human right activist who came to their office to interview the commandant was shot right in front of their office.
g) Exposed Kenya government to
ridicule and shame as innocent Kenyans languished as refugees in
Ethiopia while police continued pretend all is fine in Moyale Kenya.
6.6 Alleged faceless-participants: Thought
this could not be verified, but there is common rumor that the local
people believe to be true that there are hidden players involved in the
Moyale conflict in one way or another:
a) Al-shabaab: It is
believed that Garre leadership in region Five of Ethiopia is actually
fronting and providing safe haven for Al-shabaab and other forces
committed to Islamization of Horn of Africa and establishment of Islamic
caliphate. The activities of radical Muslims in Ethiopia, North eastern
Kenya, Mombasa and Tanzania are all linked to this Islamic agenda.
While Garre have their own agenda, but by associating with this forces,
they now have access to massive source of weapons, financial aid and
technical support in war in their campaign.
b) Ethiopian government soldiers (Tigreans)
at the height of OLF movements in the 90s, it was common knowledge that
Ethiopia security forces would sneak into the vast low lands south of
Moyale Kenya to supposedly, hunt down OLF elements. But this secret
expedition ceased when OLF movement broke up and most of the fighters
voluntarily surrendered to Ethiopian government and were integrated into
the society. Rumor has is that Gabra and Garre tricked Ethiopian
soldiers, disguised as Gabra militia, to come to Moyale so as to
supposedly fight the remnants of OLF fighters.
c) OLF fighters. It
is rumored that though their number is negligible, there are few former
OLF elements who offer tactical advice to Boran militia. While such
possibilities cannot be ruled but it could not be verified
independently.
d) Business speculators:
there is a feeling that there could be some powerful business tycoons
out there, perhaps even beyond the boarder of Kenya Ethiopia, who are
eyeing the vast business opportunities that would open up around Moyale
once LAPSET transport corridor gets there. These speculators apparently
require huge tracts of land on which to build all manner of business
facilities in partnership with local leaders and prominent personnel
among Moyale business communities. They are said to have provided some
funds to facilitate the current sweeping process (read Boran
evacuation). This too is unsubstantiated but the rumor exists
7.0 Impact of current conflict in Moyale communities:
The details of the impact that the
recent conflicts had on Moyale community is aptly captured in the
assessment report compiled by a team from National Drought Management
Authority, Kenya Red Cross Society. Ministry of Health, World Vision
Kenya and Concern Worldwide which was conducted in September this year
after the major round of conflicts in August 2013.
To fully appreciate the impact of the
on-going conflict, it is important to remember that out of an estimated
85,000 people living in Moyale constituency, majority of the household
live below the absolute poverty line. Cases of malnutrition, water
shortage, poor sanitation and literacy level is very low. Their
situation is further aggravated by erratic weather condition which
directly affects their source of livelihood as agro-pastoral and
pastoral communities. It is only small percentage of the population that
is involved in business activities in towns and other settlement
centers. Below are some of the highlights of harm done to Moyale
communities by the on-going conflicts.
Hundreds of lives lost:
It is difficult to come up with exact
number of people who lost their lives since the fights begun for a
number of reasons. To start with, most people, both combatants and
ordinary civilians are killed in the bush. It is not practical to do
body count under prevailing circumstances of insecurity. Secondly, all
parties in conflicts are unwilling to disclose the exact extent of the
casualties they suffered. Lastly, for some reasons, police would always
underreport the number of people killed, even with regard to the actual
bodies they have collected with the help of the Red Cross staff. Since
this war began, hundreds have died and many more continue to die from
bullet-wounds and related health complications.
Houses Damaged, Looted and Burnt:
The conflict virtually affected all
areas of central and Gobo division. The following villages in Golbo
suffered the most: (Kate, Funan nyata Odda, Mansile, Kinisa, Halobula,
Kalaliwe, Iladu, Hadhesa, Gimbe) and central division (Lami, Heilu,
Arosa, Goromuda and Manyatta) were affected. Approximately a total of
6,500 households displaced. At the time of this assessment the number of
households already burnt stood at 107 while those looted and damaged
are estimated to be at 186. This number has since significantly
increased following the renewed fights in the first week of December.
Learning Institutions Affected:
The following learning institutions were
ether damaged, looted and closed down: Butiye primary school (1
classroom was completely destroyed). Moyale girls’ secondary school
(Libraries, classrooms, computer Lab were broken into and learning
materials destroyed/looted). St. Mary’s primary school (Gate and Fence
destroyed). Iladu and Mansile primary school’s (building broken into,
learning materials destroyed and school meals programme food stolen) and
Sessi academy, a private school was burnt.
Displacement: 93% of people
interviewed by the assessment team have been displaced since the
conflict started. Some of these people are being hosted by their
relatives across the border in safer areas with the constituency. Those
who have the means have already moved to other parts of Kenya or
Ethiopia. Those who have no families that could take them in are
sheltering in public facilities in near police stations or across
border. Most of these facilities are overcrowded and lack sanitary
facilities.
Food security situation: food
security situation is particularly critical. Of those interviewed, 100%
stated that they have no steady source of food supply. They mostly rely
on the good will of those hosting them. While the host host-families are
on the verge of exhausting their food reserves, even those with some
money find difficult find sufficient food to buy and whatever little
that is available is too expensive. Some families even struggle to basic
house hold items like cooking utensils. Market supply system has also
been disrupted as well. As survival strategies some of IDPs have devised
new livelihood activities such as borrowing money, changes in diet,
reduction in the size and number of meals and other negative coping
strategy like commercialization of sex which is likely to increase
prevalence of HIV/AID.
Damaged relationship: The rest of
the details of the harm done to Moyale residents are contained in the
assessment report, but it need to be understood that the nature and the
scope of the on-going conflict has so far had two serious consequences
which would be extremely difficult to address. One is that the
community, Boran in particular, would find it difficult to trust Kenyan
Government institution of administration and security forces, especially
police force. Secondly, in the light of the repeated genocide attempts,
it would be very difficult for the warring communities to live together
again coming days.
8.0 Why Past Attempts at Conflicts Resolution in Moyale failed.
The question that keeps emerging
whenever the subject of Moyale conflict comes up in discussion, is why
no solution to this problem is forth coming. There is obviously no easy
answer to this question, but the views of most observes of Moyale
situations seem to suggest the flowing scenario as contributing to the
difficulties of finding a lasting solution to the on-going problem.
8.1 Limitation of old elders system and erosion of traditional values and relational ties:
As with all other traditional
communities, the old order of communal relationship is fast
deteriorating. This is partly as direct consequences of modernizing
forces and diffusion of ethnic identities in urban settings. Pastoral
groups in particular have undergone continues changes in their
lifestyle. Territorial boundaries as sedentary settlements encroach on
their pasture lands.
Before the advent of modern government
systems, community elders have, for generations, successfully resolved
conflicts arising within and between different communities. But now the
old traditional authority structures have been mostly broken. The old
communal ties based on mutual respect, sanctity of life and commitment
to interdependence relationship has been largely replaced by a culture
of materialism, selfish individualism and opportunistic tendencies.
Those who are wealthy and powerful are
the ones calling shots in the community and poor people often put
themselves at their back call. The entrenched prevalence of poverty and
joblessness has driven young people into all manner of compromises.
Traitors and turncoats are being paid to spy on their communities and
expose their vulnerabilities to rival groups.
Young people no longer pay attention to
the advice of elders, which if heeded, could have prevented the kind of
conflict holding Moyale community in its grip today. Both Burji and
Gabra youths are said to have ignored the counsel of their elders
against engaging in unwarranted war with their Boran neighbors. This
change in traditional leadership system serves to explain why the most
frequently mentioned mastermind of the ongoing conflicts are fairly
young and wealthy business persons. Impatient youths who have lost
confidence in the authority of the state functionaries, know too well
that their elders could not provide alternative forum for justice. They
therefore opt to take the law into their hands when provoked.
8.2 Commercialization of elective position of leadership:
In the past, responsibilities of
leadership were normally bestowed on individuals who consistently
exhibit integrity, commitment to community welfare and ability to
provide leadership competently. The currently practice of competitive
politics has simply reduced leadership opportunity to ‘marketable
commodity’ that require massive financial muscle to attain. Once
elected, such leaders would become the ‘captives’ of those who propped
them up either financially or through rallying sufficient vote numbers
behind them. In an attempt to recoup the funds they spent on campaigns,
such leaders would often stoop low to engage in shady deals which are
not necessarily in the interest of the larger community.
It is precisely this perception that the
general public has of the politicians that their complaints on behalf
of their community are often taken with a ‘pinch of salt’ and not
followed up seriously. Why else would Kenyan public watching the MPs
from Moyale and Saku constituency on local television media as they
detained the account of what is happening in Moyale not take them
seriously and come out to put pressure on the government to act? Of
course not all elected are dishonest, but it would be unrealistic to
expect individuals elected on ‘competitive politics’ platform to
consistently serve all communities in their constituency with fairness,
transparency and singular resolve.
8.3 Corruption and lethargy within the government system of administration.
Like all other arid and semi-arid parts
of Kenya, in Marsabit County the state though technically present, but
has proved ineffective to prevent, mitigate of resolve conflicts. One
can appreciate the challenges of poor infrastructure and collapsed road
network that hampers government officers from rapidly accessing trouble
spots, but the kind of inaction witnessed in Moyale conflicts is likely
to be seen as intentional rather objective weakness. The long catalogue
given earlier of police’s role in the said conflict cannot just be
explained away on logistical grounds.
It is therefore a fair assessment to
conclude that one of the reasons why solution to Moyale conflict is
still not in sight is because key government functionaries are fueling
it. In any mediation effort the role of the state is critical, and when
it fails, any chance enacting peaceful mediation is lost. This is
especially so if the state functionaries are perceived to favoring one
party against the other.
There is a feeling that one possible
reason why state functionaries posted to marginal pastoral parts of
Kenya can continue exploiting the conflict between tribal groups is
because those in the top echelons of country’s leadership do not
consider these areas politically significant. In a system where the
numbers and material resources translate to political significance and
therefore warrant attention, the pastoral communities in marginal areas
like Turkana, Tana River, and Moyale and others will have to explore
other avenues through which to find support in their predicament. The
intensity of government’s response to the recent Westgate incident
clearly shows that those who ‘matter most’ are worth its time and
attention!
The following statement from international Center for Policy and Conflict (ICP) has this to say:
‘… the on-going violence and security
crisis in Moyale and neighboring counties is a significant test for
Kenya government. The violence has so far claimed more than 10 lives and
displaced many others. The organization is now calling on Kenya
authority to firmly tackle the underlying causes leading to repeated
outbreaks of deadly violence in Moyale and neighboring areas.
In a press statement signed by Ndungu
Wanaina, the NGO said the government of Kenya has not failed to protect
vulnerable groups, but has created a dangerous culture of impunity that
fuels endemic human rights violations.
“All concerned should redouble their
efforts to put an immediate end to the cycle of violence, which is
putting thousands of lives at risk and threatening the social stability
of the whole area”, read the press statement.
If further suggested that ethnic
hatred must not be allowed to keep fomenting Kenya, “We urged the
government of Kenya to take all the legal appropriate measures to
immediately stop the ethnic violence, to protect the victims, and to
avoid the repetition of such killings in the future”. It asserted.
ICPC pointed out that in the absence
of a principled, determined and robust response from the government of
Kenya, manifested in strong enforcement of law, communities will feel
that they can vent their frustrations and inter-communal hostilities
with impunity.
Equally, those who incite such
violence will feel empowered to continue doing so, in the knowledge that
they will face no consequences from the state. The security forces also
must act within the law and they must be even handed in their treatment
when responding to outbreak of violence in the affected area the
statement reads ICPC also in its statement called on the Governance to
bring the full force of the law to bear against those responsible for
inciting violence.
8.4 focus on the immediate cessation of hostility and not on systematic underlying issues
The recent deployment of the military
force to Moyale was seen as quick solution to protracted conflicts that
is spanning a period of more four years. This quick fix approach only
serves to not only postpone the problem, but escalate it as well. State
intervention where the military uses helicopter gunship against one
party in the conflict, would not only change the balance of power
between the warring communities, but would be recipe for genocide in the
making on the same scale of what was witnessed in Rwanda. Kenya
government authority need to learn from the military campaign among the
Turkana, Pokots and Karamoja in the 1980s which rather than solving the
problem. Only serve to make it worse.
Another quick-fix approach that has been
used in the past was to summon all political leaders from the area of
conflict to Nairobi and pressurize them to make peace and get their
people to go back to their village and live together. This is exactly
what the government did when all Marsabit county politicians and other
leaders were summoned by the cabinet secretary in charge of internal
security. It is true political leaders have considerable influence on
the communities they represent, but it would be very unrealistic to
treat a complex conflict situation like that of Moyale as if it is a
football contest between two teams under direct control of their
respective captains!
There have been talks of disarming all
communities around Moyale. This approach, though feasible has a number
of loopholes when applied to areas like in Moyale. In the first place,
there is no guarantee that the security force entrusted with such an
exercise would be impartial and treat all communities alike. In the
light of all the unfairness noted in the past, this is unlikely to
happen. Disarming poor communities along with those who have resource to
re-arm themselves would just shift the balance of power and
annihilation of the weaker community. Secondly, proximity of Moyale to
the porous border of Ethiopia and Somalia would more still mean that
arms flow into the area would continue as usual. It would more
appropriate to first of all provide adequate security to all communities
and convincingly demonstrate that they do not need fire arms at all.
8.5 Silence of religious leaders:
With traditional elders mostly silenced,
and political leaders and governance administrators not considered
credible, where would communities turn to for arbitration of this
unending conflict? The voice of the civil society on Moyale conflict is
barely audible. Even the media has given only token attention once in a
while. Could it because these poor communities cannot afford to pay for
media coverage? With all these possible avenues through which solution
to the conflict can be sought, found either ineffective or compromised,
one would wonder whether religious institution would be of help
The voice of religious leaders (both
Christian and Muslim) is conspicuously absent. It would be of interest
to explore how such leaders can be mobilize to save the situation.
8.6 International Dimensional of Conflict:
One other reason why this conflict is
difficult to resolve is its international dimension. It is simplistic to
just send an army to deal with militias coming from the neighboring
country. This clearly is not a case where outsiders are crossing into
the country to harass Kenyans who are leaving together peacefully. The
details given in this paper already makes this point clear. A
comprehensive approach that has multiple dimensions would be needed to
address the complex challenge of Moyale conflicts. Some suggestions are
given in the section below for consideration.
9.0 Suggestions for Resolving Conflict foster Reconciliation & Healing:
What happened in Moyale is in many
respects unprecedented. The problem is complex in the real sense of the
word. No simple quick fix solution that have been tried in past has any
chance of succeeding to bring about sustainable resolution to the
conflict and foster reconciliation among all sectors of the community.
Although Government has constitutional responsibility to address the
problem in Moyale, but given the complexities involved in Moyale
conflict, it would very unrealistic to expect the govern shoulder this
enormous responsibility alone. Several key actors like humanitarian
agencies, religious leaders, civil societies, political leaders and
elders, and all government institutions would have to work together to
tackle the multidimensional crisis in Moyale.
It would not be an exaggeration to say
that something akin to micro ‘marshal plan’ would most appropriately
match the crisis in Moyale. Such a plan would not require substantial
funding outlay, but more importantly a competent coordination body would
be required to do a comprehensive analysis of the situation on the
ground and thereafter, map out detailed intervention plan and
operational mechanism of the same.
The suggestion below are just a snap
shot of what needs to be done in the three phases; that are immediate,
short term and long term. In terms of time-scale, there will of
necessity be a considerable overlap between the phases. The below
suggested skeleton actions points have to be fleshed out and carefully
sequenced so that the gains realized at one stage would create the
necessary synergy and momentum for next.
9.1 Immediate intervention:
9.1.1 Set up IDP camps that are
complete with all basic facilities to cater for displaced people and
schooling arrangement made for their children for a period of least one
year as conflict resolution measures are worked to facilitate return to
their villages. These camps have to set up in strategic places that are
safe for the different communities and adequate security provided.
9.1.2 Organize comprehensive programs within the camp which would include:
- Regular and adequate food supply to different categories of IDP population.
- School programme for children in different categories
- Psychosocial support for those traumatized by the conflict consequences.
- Counseling programme to foster reconciliation and healing (religious leaders key here)
- Impartation of life skills to be used when the situation normalizes
- Health care services, water supply, shelter and basic household facilities
- Recreational arrangements that is educative and engaging to cope with boredom.
9.1.3 Establishment of
inter-state (Kenya -Ethiopia)to investigate the nature and the extent of
Ethiopia’s Region five/four leaders involvement in Moyale conflict and
any other external force.
9.1.4 Identification and
apprehending all the master minds of the conflicts. The fall force of
the law should take its course without favor to any one party. If the
legal system would allow, it would fair to attach the properties of all
conflicts master mind and use to boost ‘Marshall plan’ fund pool.
9.1.5 Commencement of thorough
investigation of police force and county government functionaries’ role
in the conflict by an independent and credible committee and speedy
appropriate action taken based on the committee’s recommendations.
9.1.6 Recovery of all the looted
property. This has to be done with close collaboration of Ethiopia
Government. (The ToR of inter-government investigative will have to
contain this issue.
Comments: The above measures will
restore community trust and confidence in the government institutions.
With the exclusion of the all the master minds and financiers of the
conflict it would be easier to embark of the psychosocial healing
process that will pave ways for the next phase.
9.2 Short terms measures:
9.2.1. Set up truth, justice and reconciliation committee.
It should be noted that not all members
of Gabra, Burji or Boran communities are interested this warfare.
However, these peace-loving moderate members of all these communities
lack safe avenue through which to express their sentiments for fear of
recrimination from others. Such a committee should compromise of
individuals of integrity who are not member of the communities in
conflict.
9.2.2 Community healing and reconciliation programme:
While some psychosocial healing may have
initiated in individual IDP camps, this process should lead to an
intercommunity dialogues peace meetings, exposure tours and compensation
schemes including trauma-healing sessions: the outcome of Truth,
Justice and reconciliation committee will inform this process.
9.2.3 Local advocacy initiative:
Advocacy and policy influence the way
state functionaries would run the affairs of the county and that of
Moyale people in particular. This is to secure the rights of all safe
guard against the practice of impunity that precipitated the current
conflict. Communities’ participation in advocacy policy formulation and
engagement in public discourse should be strengthened.
9.2.4 Establish adequate security presence in all strategic areas.
This would entail re-vetting, retraining
all KPRs and equipping them adequately to better serve their community.
Community-based systems of remunerating the KPRs have to be worked out
to secure their undivided attention to the communities’ security
welfare. Improvement of transportation and communication infrastructure
to all parts of Moyale constituency would be in order.
9.2.5 Develop a comprehensive reconciliation & reconstruction Marshall plan
There is need to solicit support for its implementation. This pan would have several aspects some of which are given below:
- Reconstruction of all damaged homes, schools and all other facilities.
- Restoration of stolen properties and animals to rightful owners.
- Restoration of lost business and other income generating ventures.
- Special support program to families that have become destitute
- Reactivation of abandoned farm lands and water source to boost security
- Measures mainstream Moyale communities particularly the poor into the county development process
- Other restorative measures deemed appropriate and those detailed in assessment report(see attachment)
9.3 Long term measures: (implementation of marshal plan)
9.3.1 shelter reconstruction program
Rehabilitation of destroyed homes, social amenities and resettlement of displaced families
9.3.2 Livelihood improvement program
This entails strengthening or starting
alternative livelihoods (income generating activities, fishing, crop
farming and restocking) development of water sources as the most
effective ways rehabilitating conflict victims and resolving conflict.
9.3.3 Educating and organizing community on how to benefit from LAPSET project
9.3.4 Civic education on systems of devolved government.
9.3.6 Enact land adjudication process and legalize ownership of communal land.
9.3.7. Constitute peace committee
and support with adequately resourced secretariat that has strong
conflict resolution mechanism in the region
10 Concluding Remarks:
The conflict in Moyale is not over. It
is likely to be so any time soon. The present lull in the fight is
enforced by military presence and helicopter patrol. No one should
presume this military intervention to be solution to the problem that
ignited this conflict.
It is hope that by now it is clear to
both Kenya and Ethiopian Government that there are three layers of
schemes/plan behind the present conflict. The first scheme is the
Gabra/Burji drive to displace Boran which given momentum by the outcome
of the recent general election outcome. However, behind this scheme
there is large, long-term Garre scheme to create what they call Garre
Land Republic which was alluded to by the inspector general of police as
quoted in the local media. Here is part of what h said about the Garre
scheme.
‘…Inspector General of Police David
Kimaiyo said he had directed the grilling of the leaders from the region
to the bottom of the problem there. It is hoped that the grilling of
the leaders who will including Governor Ukur Yattani will help solve the
problem that has seen hundreds of locals who are fighting following the
outcomes of the last general elections. “The government will not sit
and watch unnecessary inter-clan killings which are politically
instigated. I therefore direct the Director of Criminal Investigation to
cause statements be recorded from all the political leaders from
Marsabit County both those who won various seats and even those who vied
for political seats and didn’t win. Kimaiyo said they also
investigating a website known as Garr online for allegedly in sighting
the skirmishes. The website calls for the secession of parts of North
Eastern Kenya. Accord to map, the new region will be called Garre land
Republic which stretches from Isiolo–Moyale, Wajir and Mandera to part
of Ethiopia. The group has so far been blamed for rising tension and
fighting between major ethnic groups that have left more than 100 people
dead in the past year. Read more at http://www.Standardmedia.co.ke./?articleID=200009249:
The map that the Police inspector
general is referring to and related information obtained from Garre web
sites are in the attached to this paper. Garre leaders are clearly using
both Burji to further their long term agenda. In their calculation of
Garre land Republic establishment. Exclusively Gabra zone does not
feature at all.
The third scheme, which is more hidden
and potentially more dangerous, is the Islamization campaign seeking the
establishment of Islamic Caliphate in the horn of Africa. It
appears that Garre leaders in region five Ethiopia and elsewhere are
playing along and tapping into this emerging Islamization agenda and immensely benefitting from its massive funding and arms supply.
Even the most casual observer of the
changing social profile of Muslim communities in the Northern and North
Eastern Kenya, would notice that Garre community have embraced Wahhabi
version of Islam more than any other communities as evidenced in the
veiling of all their women. This is a recent phenomenon. One may as well
wonder where their sudden wealth which they use to establish all sorts
of business outlets ranging from electronic, clothing, cosmetics,
jewelry and real estate acquisition coming from. Where would ordinary
Kenyans get such amount of money to put up huge story buildings within a
short time without obtaining loans from banks? Further, one has ask
where the endless supplies of fire-arms that they sell to whoever cares
to buy, come from?
Both Kenya and Ethiopia Government has
to wake up to development before radical Islamic agenda for Kenya and
Ethiopia gets out of hand. A keen observer of the recent events in
Ethiopia, North Eastern Kenya, Mombasa MRC (where the radical Muslim
youth are taking over mosque after ousting moderate Imam), the rising
tension between Muslims and Christians in Tanzania, Central African
Republic(CAR) would notice striking similarities in patterns of this
events. By connecting all these dots, there is a better chance of
putting the unending conflict in Moyale in a broader context and move on
from there
AUTHOR: Anonymous
END
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